Additional information in English below
Update: DN skriver: Acta-sekretess blir riksdagsfråga.
DN hårdbevakar ACTA. Nu senast med en artikel om debatten i riksdagen mellan handelsminister Ewa Björling (M) och Max Andersson (MP). I torsdags intervjuades Jens Holm (V) och Christoffer Fjellner (M). I samband med den artikeln hade DN en poll om ACTA-avtalets hemligstämpling bör tas bort. 2742 klick för "Ja, det är en demokratifråga". Det var 95% av alla klick. Alla verkar vara överens. Till och med "regeringen vill ha så mycket öppenhet som möjligt i Acta-förhandlingarna" enligt Björling. Och det är ju jättebra. Nu på torsdag 26 mars röstar nämligen näringsutskottet om ett utskottsinitiativ om att öppna ACTA och starta om förhandlingarna så att de kan ske öppet.
På tisdag 24 mars kommer en pressrelease om utskottsinitiativet och antagligen kommer själva texten med som en bilaga. Man kan nog förvänta sig att näringsutskottets ledamöter har läst utskottsinitiativet redan på måndag 23 mars eftersom det skickades till näringsutskottets kansli igårkväll. Jag håller på att översätta texten till engelska så att denna historiska omröstning ska kunna vara begriplig även för internationell press.
Så vitt jag vet röstade alla svenska europaparlamentariker för Eva-Britt Svenssons 109:a, så man kan nog säga att alla partier är överens om att ACTA måste öppnas upp. Problemet är att jag tror att ingen vet riktigt hur man ska bära sig åt. Jag hoppas att en majoritet på torsdag ska skapa en formell väg ut ur hemlighetsmakeriet.
Sen räcker det naturligtvis inte med att öppna upp förhandlingarna, texten måste också ut på remiss. Och det vansinnigt viktigt att detta sker innan rådet når en politisk överenskommelse om en gemensam ståndpunkt. Det var just det Jens Holms fråga till rådet handlade om.
Det kan vara värt mödan att läsa om FFIIs pressreleaser och klagan till Europeiska ombudsmannen.
----
Committee initiative text published, courtesy of the Swedish Greens
The Swedish Parliament hereby notifies the government that the government immediately should make public all documentation regarding ACTA which affect, or aim to alter, Swedish citizens’ everyday life and Swedish corporations’ liberty of action and freedom of trade.
Furthermore, the Swedish Parliament urges the government, in the spirit of paragraph 26 of the report on Public access to documents P6_TA-PROV(2009)0114 of the European parliament, to investigate the possibility to revoke the mandate of the Commission to negotiate about ACTA in secrecy.
The Industry, Employment and Communications Committee should initiate a declaration regarding this matter in accordance with chapter 3, paragraph 7, of the rules of procedure of Swedish Parliament. The matter is urgent and a decision should be made before the Council reaches a political agreement on ACTA.
On the 14th of April the government mandated the Commission to negotiate "an international agreement which specifies the nature and level of criminal-law measures to be taken against trademark and copyright violators" (see the European Parliament report Impact of counterfeiting on international trade, A6-0447/2008, (2008/2133(INI)).
Information made available so far clearly demonstrates that ACTA will have far-reaching consequences in several controversial areas of law. There is, for example, wordings which may have great significance to what should be considered contributory copyright infringement, which would in turn have far reaching consequences for many Internet access providers. There have also been speculations on whether this agreement would entail border control of, for example, private citizens' mp3-players.
Law making processes can never be secret in a democratic society. To not disclose the text of the agreement before all parties agree would make the validity of ACTA open to challenge by the European Court of Justice. That this is the case is clearly shown by the joined cases C-39/05 P and C-52/05 P (the Turco case).
Parliamentary supervision is a prerequisite or the agreement would set a precedent for secret law making, in violation of the principle that all law making in the EU must be as transparent as possible.
The principle of transparency is fundamentally all-embracing and is violated if only selected parliamentarians under confidentiality agreements are given access to secret documents. Furthermore, it is also a breach of the principle if the European Parliament is planned to only participate in the settlement of the agreement (see H-0089/09, Answer from the Council, 20090311).
The Swedish parliament must participate in shaping Sweden's position, in an open and transparent manner, before the government makes a political agreement concerning ACTA in the EU. The negotiation documents must therefore be made public, and the government must look into the possibility of revoking the Commission's mandate to negotiate in secret.
Other sources:
http://www.michaelgeist.ca/content/view/3795/196/
http://www.michaelgeist.ca/content/view/3786/125/
http://www.thestar.com/sciencetech/article/610257
http://www.keionline.org/blogs/2009/02/03/details-emerge-of-secret-acta/
http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/news/2009/02/actual-acta-draft-leaks-...
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/james-love/acta-an-example-of-global_b_163...
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"ACTA-omröstning"
Hej
Ledsen att denna kommentar kommer lite sent, hinner tyvärr inte bevaka alla förekommande bloggar. Vänsterpartiets förslag till initiativ kommer upp på Näringsutskottet för första gången i morgon torsdag, då kommer givetvis inte någon omröstning att ske. När beslut ska tas kan jag idag inte föregripa utskottets behandling och säga.
Även i Riksdagens arbete för öppenhet måste viss respekt för demokrati, öppenhet och eftertänksamhet råda. Det må så vara att förslaget sändes in till kansliet fredag kväll, men i den vanliga världen har tjänstemännen ledigt då, så det sändes ut först måndag förmiddag. Och kunde inte komma upp på tisdagens sammanträde eftersom förslagsställaren då inte var närvarande.
Så, på lördagskväll när det på denna blogg meddelades att utskottet på torsdag ska rösta om omstart av ACTA, fanns detta förslag ej ens i sinnevärlden för utskottets ledamöter. Däremot har frågorna redan behandlats tidigare.
Med vänlig hälsning
Karin Pilsäter
Näringsutskottets ordförande
Inte min avsikt att föregripa utskottets behandling
Hej Karin.
Det var inte på något sätt min avsikt att föregripa utskottets behandling här på bloggen. Jag är glad över att det fortfarande finns respekt för demokrati, öppenhet och eftertänksamhet i riksdagen.
Dessvärre är situationen annorlunda i Europaparlamentet. Jag fick alldeles just veta att Rapportören för telekompaketet Malcolm Harbour idag skickat ut ett förslag till definition av "traffic management" till utskottet IMCOs medlemmar. Utskottet förväntas rösta om detta förslag redan på tisdag nästa vecka (31 mars) utan att syftet med definitionen har diskuterats ordentligt. Läs gärna om detta avskräckande exempel på denna blogg: http://www.iptegrity.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=289&I...
Till skillnad från hur det går till i Bryssel hoppas jag att Sverige ska fortsätta vara ett gott föredöme för resten av världen vad gäller öppenhet och demokrati.
Vänliga hälsningar,
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Jag vet vad som kommer att styra min röst i årets EU-val...
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Tack Arvid, du ju redan valt nån av dom som sitter i Näringsutskottet, så det är bra att be dom styra som du förväntar dig :-)
Det är långt till EU-valet. Och massor att göra innan dess.
Kämpa på!
Artikel 133
Det finns en massa gammalt groll vad gäller vem som ska få bestämma vad (det som brukar kallas "kompetens"), särskilt vad gäller handelsfrågor.
Här är två artiklar för de som vill fördjupa sig:
"Unfortunately, Article 133 of the Amsterdam Treaty makes
no definition of “commercial policy."
"The issue of who controls the EC’s negotiating strategy or policy has
caused serious problems in the past. Treaty provisions and established
practice give the Commission the right of initiative in areas of EC
competence. So the Commission makes proposals on negotiations and policy
positions. These proposals are then discussed in the Article 133
Committee, which is the real power behind and decision-making
center for the European Community’s commercial policy. The Article 133
Committee is a special committee appointed by the EC Council to assist
the European Commission.l These proposals can also be discussed in the
framework of COREPER and finally adopted by the General Affairs
Council."
RAFAEL LEAL-ARCAS
Queen Mary, University of London
A CONSTITUTION FOR EUROPE? GOVERNANCE AND POLICY-MAKING IN THE
EUROPEAN UNION, Astengo, F. & Neuwahl, N., eds., Vol. II, pp.
132-156, Collection "Etudes Europeennes", Chaire Jean Monnet,
Universite de Montreal, 2004
Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=604261
ECJ ruled on 15 November 1994 that:
- The Community has sole competence to conclude the multilateral
agreements on trade in goods.
- The Community and its Member States are jointly competent to
conclude GATS.
- The Community and its Member States are jointly competent to
conclude TRIPS.
http://www.erikjosefsson.eu/sites/default/files/ECJ194onWTO.pdf
Här en länk som listar Artikel 133-kommittén:
http://www.regeringen.se/sb/d/6712/a/50337
längre utdrag...
From:
The EU Decision-Making Process in EC Trade Policy: The Three Internal
Tensions
RAFAEL LEAL-ARCAS
Queen Mary, University of London
A CONSTITUTION FOR EUROPE? GOVERNANCE AND POLICY-MAKING IN THE
EUROPEAN UNION, Astengo, F. & Neuwahl, N., eds., Vol. II, pp.
132-156, Collection "Etudes Europeennes", Chaire Jean Monnet,
Universite de Montreal, 2004
Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=604261
Excerpts/Quotes:
The Amsterdam Treaty intended to extend the competence of the common
commercial policy to the key issues of intellectual property and
services -Article 133(5) of the Amsterdam Treaty-. This is a sensible
acceptance by the Member States since they have recognized that a
divided Europe is less likely to defend its interests in international
negotiations. Unfortunately, Article 133 of the Amsterdam Treaty makes
no definition of “commercial policy.”
B. Control
The issue of who controls the EC’s negotiating strategy or policy has
caused serious problems in the past. Treaty provisions and established
practice give the Commission the right of initiative in areas of EC
competence. So the Commission makes proposals on negotiations and policy
positions. These proposals are then discussed in the Article 133
Committee, which is the real power behind and decision-making
center for the European Community’s commercial policy. The Article 133
Committee is a special committee appointed by the EC Council to assist
the European Commission.l These proposals can also be discussed in the
framework of COREPERli and finally adopted by the General Affairs
Council.lii
The EC Council decision, formally on a qualified majority, authorizes
the European Commission to negotiate in consultation with the Article
133 Committee. This authorization is sometimes called a mandate. This
Commission’s mandate to negotiate on behalf of the Member States in the
WTO does not imply a transfer of competences, which remain with the
Member States.
Decision making in EC commercial policy is predominantly technocratic in
nature. EC commercial policy is created by a technocratic core
comprising the officials in the European Commission’s
Directorate-General for Trade and national trade officials who compose
the Article 133 Committee.lxv This lacks a democratic approach
to policy-making although it has the advantage of being considerably
efficient.lxvi The General Affairs Council provides nominal political
and democratic legitimacy to the process.
The concept of democratic deficit in EU decision making is well known
and some efforts have been made to address the problem. In the area of
commercial policy, difficulties are accentuated by the technical
nature of the negotiations. National ministers reporting back to
national legislatures tend to limit their comments to the objectives of
policy. By doing so, effective scrutiny of the negotiations is lost.
National parliaments also have difficulties following the detail of
negotiations, and the fact that negotiations take place at two steps
removed from national parliamentary control (one in Brussels in the
framework of the Article 133 Committee, and the second in Geneva in the
framework of the WTO) means that national politicians do not believe
they can influence the outcome of negotiations. The result is that
national legislatures tend not to undertake any effective scrutiny of EC
commercial policy.lxviii
The EC Council and the Commission have reached informal agreements with
the European Parliament on consultation. However, the views of the
Parliament are not sought until the Commission has reached a
deal with the EU’s trading partners and it has been endorsed by the
Article 133 Committee, if not the EC Council. Having said that, the
chances of the EP having any impact on the substance of the agreement is
almost non-existent. The assent of the EP is required when a commercial
policy agreement has budgetary implications, when there are
institutional implications for the EU and when policy areas are
concerned in which the EP has co-decision rights with the EC Council. As
co-decision making is slowly increasing,lxx this suggests that the EP
may have to give its assent to more international commercial agreements.
informationsarbete...
Tack Calandrella. Nu får vi hoppas att detta meddelande tar skruv i bloggosfären och att DN och andra som skriver om ACTA bevakar själva utskottsmötet, både före och efter omröstningen.
Alltså före: Hur kommer du att rösta? Och efter: Varför röstade du så? och så vidare. DN kan säker fråga Har du sett hemliga handlingar? Hur kändes det?. Jäklar om jag inte tror att Expressen kan få upp ACTA på löpet också!!!
SVERIGE
VÄRLDSBÄST
PÅ ÖPPENHET
Eller om nån riksdagsledamot i näringsutskottet som fått lite för lite uppmärksamhet går ut i pressen redan på måndag och "läcker" utskottsinitiativet, gärna tillsammans med lite hemliga handlingar :-)
Dramaturgerna på Aftonbladet kan helt säkert göra en smaskig story om det. Så vitt jag förstår så protesteras det just nu i Indien om ett liknande avtal: "If EU India FTA benefits people, Why do you keep texts secret?"
Jo, jag kan inte tjata tillräckligt om det här med skillnaden mellan "politisk överenskommelse" och "gemensam ståndpunkt". Riksdagen måste vara med och utforma den "politiska överenskommelsen". Alltså innan besluten tas.
Ovärderligt!
Ditt informeringsarbete är ovärderligt. Tack!
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